Serial verb constructions and the syntax-prosody interface

Abstract Rolle (2020) identifies an apparent morphophonological conspiracy in serial verb constructions (SVCs) Degema. He argues that it constitutes evidence for a partly-unified postsyntactic module, which morphology and prosody are built parallel (by ‘Optimality-Theoretic Distributed Morphology’). We argue the pattern Degema SVCs instead results from simultaneous interaction of two independently-attested syntax-prosody phenomena: (1) pressure adjacent verbs SVC to form single prosodic unit, (2) suppression redundant agreement within word (a.k.a. ‘Kinyalolo’s Generalization’). Thus can be localized interface, there is no need adopt unified morphology-prosody module like Rolle’s. offer some further conceptual critiques his model.